Presiding Judge: The Court calls the next witness, Dr. Władysław Fejkiel.
(Witness Władysław Fejkiel stands up.)
Presiding Judge: Will the witness please state his personal data?
Witness: Władysław Fejkiel, 36 years old, doctor, no relationship to the defendants.
Presiding Judge: I advise the witness to speak the truth in accordance with Article 107 of the Code of Criminal Procedure. Making false declarations is punishable with a prison term of up to five years. Do the parties wish to submit any requests regarding the mode of hearing of the witness?
Prosecution: No.
Defense: No.
Presiding Judge: Therefore, the witness will testify without taking an oath. Will the witness please say what he knows about the case, and particularly about the defendants?
Witness: I arrived at the camp in 1940 and I stayed there until 18 January 1945. Then, I was evacuated to Mauthausen. At first, I worked digging the ground for eight months. When I got completely exhausted, I was transferred to the hospital, where I stayed, administering the infectious diseases ward. In 1944, I was appointed head of the prison hospital.
In order to speak about the defendants, I have to give you a glimpse of Auschwitz. I was able to draw fully logical conclusions from my experiences. I believe that Auschwitz was the ultimate form of German imperialism. Imperialism always leads to fascism, fascism in turn leads to banditry, while banditry has to lead to the creation of Auschwitz. At first it seemed to me that I was employed in a huge factory, which was a component part of a nationalized concern. The owner of the concern was the German nation, the directors – Himmler and Hitler. The camp had its administrative managers: first Höß, later Liebehenschel, Berg; and its technical managers, Grabner and Schurz. The factory was supposed to produce several millions of human deaths in the Auschwitz camp. Apart from this, the camp had its own experimental laboratory, where scientists, doctors and industry representatives worked to find a solution to quickly and cheaply exterminate conquered nations, starting with the Slavs. If we looked at the production growth and drew its curve, we would see that production grew in proportion to the German army’s growth. The curve reached its peak, and then it started to drop. The peak was Stalingrad.
Based on the course of these curves, we can divide the situation in Auschwitz into two phases: the first of them lasted till November 1943 and was the period of Höß and Grabner, while the second phase lasted from November 1943 till the evacuation of the camp and was the time of Liebehenschel, Baer and – from the side of Political Department – Schurz.
It would be useless to talk about every defendant separately. Auschwitz worked as one team. It is difficult to imagine just a few people murdering several millions in a short period of time. It is difficult to say who is responsible for that. Is it the one who took them to the gas chambers or the one who stood there with a dog, making sure that nobody escaped, or maybe the one who signed the papers? Since all crimes had their beginning in Berlin, I will start with the Political Department and its chief, defendant Grabner.
I met Grabner for the first time while organizing clerks from the Social Insurance Institution in Kraków. All those prisoners, clerks from the Social Insurance Institution and others, were assembled, had their shoes taken away, were dressed in old rags and taken out of the camp. There, I saw Grabner accompanied by other SS men who shot all the prisoners dead. I was delegated to carry the bodies. One of my colleagues, who had the same task to perform, was advised by an SS man that we should do it right, because later someone else will carry us.
More or less at that time, on the order of the political department, weak, handicapped and elderly prisoners were asked to come forward, because, as it was said, a sanatorium was being prepared for them near Dresden. SS men told the prisoners that each of them would be assigned work suitable to their physical condition and they would stay there till the end of the war. Despite our intervention, many prisoners came forward, even young and healthy. They had been graciously loaded onto a train – one of my colleagues even got a beating for carrying the stretchers too nervously. I do not know what happened to them, but two days after they left, we received death reports, which had been prepared in the Auschwitz office.
From time to time, Auschwitz received transports consisting of 600 people, of Soviet prisoners of war, very well dressed, young and good-looking. When they came to the camp, the building of block 2 was tidied up and they were supposed to live there. I remember that the whole camp was really agitated by that event. We were divided in two groups – the optimists, consisting of lawyers who claimed that those people could not be kept in the camp, because they were protected by the Geneva Convention; and the pessimists, who believed that the POWs would share our fate at block 11. It turned out that the pessimists were still optimists, because the POWs became guinea pigs for testing the action of Zyklon [cyanide gas]. The Russians were stripped and gassed together with our inmates from the hospital.
In the same year, namely on 11 November 1941, Poles got the pleasure. The political department selected prisoners from Silesia who were then executed by firing squad.
In winter 1941/42, Grabner focused exclusively on the Soviet part of the camp. 12,000 Russians arrived. At first, the group was penetrated by informers. When the Russians realized who they were dealing with, they asked us for help. Poles helped them by hanging several informers per day in the basement. Since that method turned out to be inefficient, the Russians were starved and given only half of the normal food portions. In this way, the majority died of starvation. Those who were stronger were taken in groups of 200, 300, 400 people to block 11, where they were executed by firing squad. At first, I carried the bodies to the crematorium, then I buried them in holes and I saw piles reaching up to the ground floor windows of a residential building, two to three meters high.
In March 1942, when Grabner disposed of the Russians, he directed his attention to Poles. Under the pretext of discovering a secret organization in the camp, the prisoners working in the clothes-sorting kommando were taken to the political department. It was the first time I saw Grabner’s court and his investigation [carried out] at the roll call square. The prisoners were asked about their nationality and occupation, which were decisive as far as their execution was concerned. Those who were classified as educated people were sent to block 11, where they were killed by firing squad. The rest was sent to do penal work.
In June 1942, the political department chose prisoners with numbers from 5 to 200 who got red stickers on their back, which meant they were particularly dangerous to their surroundings, and they were taken to the crematorium in Birkenau. I was told that those prisoners were shot by Aumeier. Attorney Tempka was also among the executed.
In the summer of 1942, a dozen or so cars arrived at the hospital’s infectious diseases ward. Dr. Entress brought a list and started segregating the patients. He selected almost the whole block. Entress had a blank list signed by Grabner, which he could fill in at his own discretion and choose whoever he wanted.
In November 1942, Grabner gave an order to gather a group of 200 prisoners from the lubelskie voivodeship under the pretext of taking photographs, but they were executed by firing squad.
The period from the spring of 1943 to November that year was filled with incessant terror. Groups of prisoners were arrested almost every day at block 11, where the executions took place.
These were the activities carried out in the camp.
Without the permission of the political department, it was prohibited to gas prisoners or kill them by injection, except Polish and Greek Jews.
The SS had to send reports concerning all prisoners killed by injection to the political office. Lethal injections started in 1941, sometime around summer. Several to dozen or so people per day received lethal injection, later the number rose to 300 and 400 – it was in July 1942. In July, we sent three thousand people to the [illegible]. In March 1943, 80 Polish boys of Jewish and Aryan descent were brought to block 20 and lethally injected. It happened completely unexpectedly, because nobody would suspect that children were brought there for that purpose.
Speaking of lethal injections, I would like to mention the role of defendant Kremer. He came to the camp in 1942. I do not know what position he occupied. I mean I do not know if he was a Lagerarzt [camp doctor]; probably he only visited the camp. He gave the impression of a poor repatriate, because he would steal everything he saw. If he found a cloth or scissors, he would take them. All prisoners were afraid of him and those who had something valuable, especially medicine, would hide it from him. Nobody would think that he was a professor. One day Dr. Klehr came to me and said that he needed two prisoners, one very skinny and another a bit less. I asked him why he needed them and he said that for university professor Kremer. I remembered my professors, so I handed those prisoners over with full trust, not suspecting that a professor could harm them. Kremer killed them by injection and the following day their autopsy was performed by Dr. Olbrycht. It was the last time we let them fool us – from that moment there were no patients for any professors. From the summer or late spring of 1942, groups of 200 to 800 sick prisoners were sent for gassing. At the end of August or the beginning of September 1944, the number of prisoners killed by injection amounted to 20,000, the number of gassed prisoners – to 10,000. These are the numbers of prisoners who were actually killed by injection or gassed, but there were many more who were chosen to die this way.
The second phase started in November 1943. It was caused by the fact that things got very tense in the camp. The German army had been defeated at the front and liberation was imminent. Additionally, the terror spread by the political department undermined the camp and there was a threat of rebellion: the prisoners did not sleep at night and kept guard, while the production dropped significantly. As far as work is concerned, the results were very poor. Berlin understood it was impossible to continue managing the camp in that manner and they had to change something. So they sent us a specially instructed person, a man of huge personal charm, who was always very kind to the prisoners. At the very beginning, he made a few courtesy gestures, for example he prohibited taking off hats at roll calls, released all prisoners kept in the bunker who would normally be shot dead (however, all or almost all of them were sent to penal camps in the Reich, and we managed to take only some of them to the hospital). The aim was achieved, because the atmosphere settled down and if such situation had lasted longer, the camp would have become ready for liquidation. At that time, many prisoners were applying for release. In the hospital, we were compiling lists of those who were to be released. Eventually, however, nobody was released, the amount of work increased, and prisoners were still being selected for extermination. Liebehenschel did not stay long in the camp, so during his term there was only one selection. It was not very big, because 800 people were chosen, but only 200 were actually taken away. The experiments at block 10 still took place under Liebehenschel. As the commander of the garrison he could exert influence not only on our camp, but also on other camps, such as Monowitz and Birkenau, where the number of prisoners sent for gassing increased.
I do not want to talk much about Aumeier. I know only that if something was happening at block 11, I always saw him there. He was an easily recognizable person, because he was short and would always walk at the front. I was told that he really enjoyed shooting; he was often seen doing it at block 11. One day, I also got a beating from Aumaier, namely he kicked me badly for an escape attempt.
Plagge was a real plague in the camp. I remember that he kicked two prisoners to death in front of block 11. Those prisoners were carrying a cauldron. When they were transferred to the camp hospital, where they died, I discovered that one of them had had a brain hemorrhage.
Like every institution and community, we had our black sheep. Among the SS men such a black sheep was Dr. Münch. Although he wore an SS uniform, he did not have an SS soul. I met him quite often, as he was the deputy to the head of the Hygiene Institute. It was extraordinary that he was the only SS man who could respect every prisoner and their age. He really looked after his prisoners and I believe that they would have suffered a lot if not for Münch. Münch also had another virtue: he did not differentiate between nationalities. It did not matter for him if someone was Jewish, Czech or Polish. I remember that he helped Professor Jakubowski from Poznań University. I had an unpleasant experience with SS man Weber when he came for the blood of sick prisoners. Doctor Mężyk objected and I told Weber that I would not give him the blood without the permission of the camp doctor. Dr. Wirths asked Münch for an expert advice and he took our side, saying that those people were too weak to have their blood taken.
Presiding Judge: Did the witness see defendant Seufert assist in the gassing of Soviet prisoners of war?
Witness: No.
Prosecutor Szewczyk: The witness has testified that the curve of the tragic relations between SS men and the prisoners started to drop after the Stalingrad battle, and that the improvement of the situation in Auschwitz coincided with the appointment of Liebehenschel. Something, however, is not right, because there was about a year between the Stalingrad battle and Liebehenschel’s arrival.
Witness: I mentioned that after the Leningrad battle, the way the camp was managed had to be changed, and that is why a suitable man was chosen.
Prosecutor: So the relations in the camp started to change at least a year before Liebehenschel’s arrival?
Witness: Yes.
Prosecutor: According to the witness, what caused those changes before Liebehenschel’s arrival?
Witness: The improvement of the situation of prisoners was influenced by external factors. The arrival of Jews to the camp played a very important role. We should remember that they brought their belongings to the camp. The Jews were sent to gas chambers, and their valuables fell into the hands of prisoners, who then became capitalists. Gold was helpful when dealing with SS men.
Prosecutor: And when was the permission to send packages given?
Witness: In 1942, but it is not relevant. I speak about the morality. The permission to send packages was given in order to cheer people up and enhance their work performance.
Prosecutor: The witness told us about defendant Kremer, describing him as a greedy person with no medical ethics. Did the witness actually see Kremer take part in selections in the hospital or at blocks, or in selections of prisoners to be gassed, or did Kremer take part in the gassing in gas chambers?
Witness: I did not see him assist in the selections.
Prosecutor: And didn’t the witness see him selecting prisoners? Didn’t the witness meet him in person?
Witness: No.
Prosecutor: And where did Głowa work?
Witness: At block 20.
Prosecutor: What can the witness say about the punishment of flogging in the camp?
Witness: There were two types of flogging: the right flogging with the use of protective paper, and the flogging without it.
Prosecutor: What punishment was assisted by the camp doctor?
Witness: No flogging could be administered without the presence of the camp doctor.
Prosecutor: Did the witness see Kremer assist in any executions?
Witness: Doctors were not obliged to assist in executions. Usually non-commissioned officers did it.
Prosecutor Pęchalski: The Presiding Judge asked the witness if he had seen Seufert assist in the gassing of Soviet prisoners of war, and the witness said no.
Witness: I did not see him, probably because we did not go there too often so as not to draw attention to ourselves.
Prosecutor: And as far as lethal injections are concerned: were they allowed without the permission of the political department, or an order had to be given?
Witness: I remember that when two Germans were killed by injections, a huge row broke out.
Prosecutor Pęchalski: Was the political office in charge of keeping the patients’ records, that is the number of prisoners, deaths, etc.?
Witness: The patients’ records were kept by the secretary’s office.
Prosecutor: And if somebody died?
Witness: The political department had to be informed.
Prosecutor: Does the witness know that the political department assigned prisoners to the SK [penal company]?
Witness: No, I don’t.
Prosecutor Pęchalski: Defendant Grabner claims that he never assisted in and knows nothing about the gassing of prisoners. Does the witness know if the defendant visited the crematoria and personally directed the gassing?
Witness: Friends who worked in the SS pharmacy told me that they saw defendant Grabner in the yard of crematorium I, when he actively participated in transporting prisoners to gas chambers.
Presiding Judge: Are there any more questions for the witness?
Defense Attorney Kossek: The witness said that in November 1943, so before Liebehenschel’s arrival, the terror reached its peak.
Witnes: Yes, it did.
Defense Attorney Kossek: The witness emphasizes that he remembers only one selection of prisoners for gassing during Liebehenschel’s term. Who took that decision?
Witness: The commandant’s office; technically, the camp doctor.
Defense Attorney Kossek: What was the role of defendant Liebehenschel?
Witness: He was responsible.
Defense Attorney Kossek: The witness testified that he hadn’t seen Kremer assist in selections. If he had participated, would the witness have seen him?
Witness: I would probably have seen him.
Defense Attorney Druszkowski: Does the witness know what the division of tasks was between Weber and Münch in the Hygiene Institute?
Witness: Weber was the manager, and Münch was his deputy. It is difficult to say what tasks each of them performed.
Defense Attorney Druszkowski: Münch claims that Weber tested the blood of prisoners who were suffering from malaria.
Witness: The Hygiene Institute performed different therapeutic and experimental activities. I knew about everything that was happening at block 10. I cannot say that anything that happened there was against medical ethics.
Defense Attorney Druszkowski: One of the witnesses said that in the Hygiene Institute Weber tested the reaction of blood from patients suffering from malaria. Did that mean injecting that blood or were there other methods?
Witness: I do not understand what "reaction of blood from patients suffering from malaria means. I suppose it means injecting the infected blood, but I do not know anything about it.
Presiding Judge: The witness is excused.